Home  ›  Migration in Archeology: the Baby and the Bathwater David W. Anthony

Migration in Archeology: the Baby and the Bathwater David W. Anthony

Written By mardi 8 mars 2022 Add Comment Edit

2007 book by David Due west. Anthony

The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Statuary-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World
The Horse, the Wheel and Language.jpg

Cover of the first edition
Author David West. Anthony
Linguistic communication English
Subject Indo-European migrations
Publisher Princeton University Press

Publication engagement

 2007
Media blazon Print (Hardcover and Paperback)
Pages 568
ISBN 978-0-691-14818-two

The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern Globe is a 2007 book by the anthropologist David W. Anthony, in which the writer describes his "revised Kurgan theory." He explores the origins and spread of the Indo-European languages from the Pontic–Caspian steppe throughout Western Europe, Central Asia, and Southern asia. He shows how the domesticated horse and the invention of the wheel mobilized the steppe herding societies in the Eurasian Steppe, and combined with the introduction of bronze technology and new social structures of patron-client relationships gave an reward to the Indo-European societies. The book won the Lodge for American Archaeology'south 2010 Volume Honor.[web ane]

Synopsis [edit]

Anthony gives a broad overview of the linguistic and archaeological evidence for the early origins and spread of the Indo-European languages, describing a revised version of Marija Gimbutas'due south Kurgan hypothesis. Anthony describes the evolution of local cultures at the northern Black Sea coast, from hunter-gatherers to herders, under the influence of the Balkan cultures, which introduced cattle, horses and bronze engineering.

When the climate changed between 3500 and 3000 BCE, with the steppes becoming drier and cooler, those inventions led to a new way of life in which mobile herders moved into the steppes, developing a new kind of social organization with patron-client and host-guest relationships. That new social organization, with its related Indo-European languages, spread throughout Europe, Fundamental Asia and South Asia because of its possibilities to include new members within its social structures.

Part Ane covers theoretical considerations on language and archæology. It gives an introductory overview of Indo-European linguistics (ch. 1); investigates the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European (ch. 2); the dating of Proto-Indo-European (ch. 3); the specific vocabulary for wool and wheels (ch. 4); the location of the Proto-Indo-European homeland (ch. 5); and the correlation of these linguistic discoveries with archaeological prove and the function of elite recruitment in language shift (ch. vi).

Function Two covers the development of the Steppe cultures and the subsequent migrations out of the Pontic-Caspian region into Europe, Primal Asia, and South Asia. The splitting of the major branches of Indo-European (except perhaps Greek) can be correlated with archaeological cultures, showing steppe influences in a mode that makes sense chronologically and geographically in light of linguistic reconstructions. Anthony gives an introduction to Function Two (ch. 7); describes the interaction between Balkan farmers and herders and steppe foragers at the Dniestr River (in western Ukraine) and the introduction of cattle (ch. viii); the spread of cattle-herding during the Copper Age and the accompanying social segmentation between high and low status (ch. ix); the domestication of the horse (ch. ten); the end of the Balkan cultures and the early migrations of Steppe people into the Danube Valley (ch. 11); the development of the steppe cultures during the Eneolithic, including the interaction with the Mesopotamian world subsequently the collapse of the Balkan cultures and the role of Proto-Indo-European every bit a regional linguistic communication (ch. 12); the Yamna culture as the culmination of these developments at the Pontic-Caspian steppes (ch. 13); the migration of Yamna people into the Danube Valley and the origins of the western Indo-European languages at the Danube Valley (Celtic, Italic), the Dniestr (Germanic) and the Dnieper (Baltic, Slavic) (ch. fourteen); migrations east which gave rise to the Sintashta culture and Proto-Indo-Iranian (ch. 15); migrations of the Indo-Aryans southward through the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological complex into Anatolia and India (ch. xvi); and concluding thoughts (ch. 17).

Contents [edit]

Function One: Language and Archeology [edit]

Chapter 1: The Hope and Politics of the Mother Language [edit]

Anthony introduces the similarities betwixt a broad range of languages and their common ancestor, Proto-Indo-European. He proposes that "the Proto-Indo-European homeland was located in the steppes north of the Black and Caspian Seas in what is today southern Ukraine and Russia."[1] Anthony gives a short overview of the history of the linguistical study of PIE[2] and and so presents six major problems that hinder a "broadly acceptable wedlock betwixt archaeological and linguistic evidence."[iii]

Chapter Iii: Language and Time 1. The Last Speakers of Proto-Indo-European [edit]

Using a mathematical analysis borrowed from evolutionary biological science, Don Ringe and Tandy Warnow propose the following evolutionary tree of Indo-European branches:[four]

  • Pre-Anatolian (before 3500 BCE)
  • Pre-Tocharian
  • Pre-Italic and Pre-Celtic (earlier 2500 BCE)
  • [Pre-Germanic][annotation ane]
  • Pre-Armenian and Pre-Greek (after 2500 BCE)
  • [Pre-Germanic][note i] Proto-Germanic c. 500 BCE[6]
  • Pre-Balto-Slavic[4]
  • Proto-Indo-Iranian (2000 BCE)

Chapter Iv: Language and Time 2: Wool, Wheels and Proto-Indo-European [edit]

Anthony proposes that the Proto-Indo-European emerged later ca. 3500 BCE. He bases that specially on his analysis of Indo-European terms for wool textiles and wheeled vehicles:

Neither woven wool textiles nor wheeled vehicles existed earlier about 4000 BCE. Information technology is possible that neither existed before about 3500 BCE. Yet Proto-Indo-European speakers spoke regularly almost wheeled vehicles and some sort of wool textile. This vocabulary suggests that Proto-Indo-European was spoken later 4000–3500 BCE.[seven]

Affiliate Six: The Archaeology of Language [edit]

Anthony, following the methodology of Ringe and Warnow, proposes the post-obit sequence:[8]

  • Pre-Anatolian (4200 BCE)
  • Pre-Tocharian (3700 BCE)
  • Pre-Germanic (3300 BCE)
  • Pre-Italic and Pre-Celtic (3000 BCE)
  • Pre-Armenian (2800 BCE)
  • Pre-Balto-Slavic (2800 BCE)
  • Pre-Greek (2500 BCE)
  • Proto-Indo-Iranian (2200 BCE), dissever between Iranian and Old Indic 1800 BCE

A key insight is that early expansions of the area in which Indo-European was spoken were often caused by "recruitment", rather than only by military machine invasions. With the Yamna civilization equally a nucleus candidate, the original recruitment would be to a style of life in which intensive use of horses immune herd animals to be pastured in areas of the Ukrainian / South Russian steppe, outside of river valleys.

Part 2: The Opening of the Eurasian Steppes [edit]

Chapter Eight: First Farmers and Herders: The Pontic-Caspian Neolithic [edit]

Co-ordinate to Anthony, the evolution of the Proto-Indo-European cultures started with the introduction of cattle at the Pontic-Caspian steppes,[9] which, until ca. 5200–5000 BCE, were populated by hunter-gatherers.[10] The first cattle herders arrived from the Danube Valley at ca. 5800–5700 BCE, descendants from the first European farmers.[xi] They formed the Criş culture (5800–5300 BCE), creating a cultural frontier at the Prut-Dniestr watershed.[12]

The next Issues-Dniester civilization (6300–5500 BCE) was a local forager culture from which cattle-breeding spread to the steppe peoples.[13] The Dniepr Rapids area was the side by side part of the Pontic-Caspian steppes to shift to cattle-herding. It was the most densely-populated surface area of the Pontic-Caspian steppes at the time and had been inhabited by diverse hunter-gatherer populations since the end of the Ice Age. From ca. 5800–5200, information technology was inhabited by the get-go phase of the Dnieper-Donets civilization, a hunter-gatherer civilisation contemporaneous with the Bug-Dniestr civilization.[14]

Chapter Nine: Cows, Copper and Chiefs [edit]

At ca. 5200–5000 BCE, the non-Indo-European Cucuteni-Tripolye civilisation (5200–3500 BCE) appears east of the Carpathian mountains, [xv] moving the cultural frontier to the Southern Issues valley,[16] and the foragers at the Dniepr Rapids shifted to cattle herding, marking the shift to Dniepr-Donets 2 (5200/5000-4400-4200 BCE).[17] The Dniepr-Donets culture kept cattle not only for ritual sacrifices but as well for their daily diet.[eighteen] The Khvalynsk culture (4700–3800 BCE),[18] located at the centre Volga, which was continued with the Danube Valley past trade networks,[19] also had cattle and sheep, only they were "more of import in ritual sacrifices than in the nutrition."[20] Co-ordinate to Anthony, "the set of cults that spread with the first domesticated animals was at the root of the Proto-Indo-European conception of the universe"[20] in which cattle had an essential role.[21] The Samara civilization (early 5th millennium BCE),[note 2] north of the Khvalynsk culture, interacted with the same.[22] The steppe cultures were markedly dissimilar, economically and probably linguistically,[23] from the Danube Valley and Balkan cultures at their due west despite trade between them,[24] the foragers of the northern woods zone,[23] and from the cultures east of the Ural river.[25]

Affiliate Ten: The Domestication of the Horse and the Origins of Riding: The Tale of the Teeth [edit]

The domestication of the horse had a broad-ranging effect on the steppe cultures, and Anthony has done fieldwork on it.[26] Bit habiliment is a sign of horse-riding, and the dating of horse teeth with signs of bit wear gives clues for the dating of the appearance of horse-riding.[27] The presence of domesticated horses in the steppe cultures was an of import clue for Marija Gimbutas's development of her Kurgan hypothesis.[28] According to Anthony, horseback riding may take appeared as early as 4200 BCE,[29] and equus caballus artifacts prove up in greater amounts after 3500 BCE.[29] Horseback riding greatly increased the mobility of herders, allowing for greater herds, but also led to increased warfare past the need for boosted grazing land.[thirty]

Chapter 11: The Finish of Old Europe and the Ascension of the Steppe [edit]

The Sredny Stog civilization (4400–3300 BCE)[31] appears at the aforementioned location as the Dniepr-Donets culture merely shows influences from people who came from the Volga River region.[32] The Sredni Stog culture was "the archaeological foundation for the Indo-European steppe pastoralists of Marija Gimbutas,"[33] and the period "was the critical era when innovative Proto-Indo-European dialects began to spread across the steppes."[33]

Effectually 4200–4100 BCE, a climate change occurred, causing colder winters.[34] Betwixt 4200 and 3900 BCE, many tell settlements in the lower Danube Valley were burned and abandoned,[34] and the Cucuteni-Tripolye civilisation showed an increase in fortifications[35] and moved eastwards, towards the Dniepr.[36]

Steppe herders, archaic Proto-Indo-European-speakers, spread into the lower Danube valley in nigh 4200–4000 BCE, causing or taking advantage of the collapse of Old Europe.[37] Co-ordinate to Anthony, their languages "probably included primitive Proto-Indo-European dialects of the kind partly preserved later in Anatolian."[38] According to Anthony their descendants later moved into Anatolia at an unknown time, maybe as early as 3000 BCE.[39] According to Anthony, the herders, forming the Suvorovo-Novodanilovka complex,[note three] probably were a chiefly elite from the Sredni Stog civilization at the Dniepr Valley.[41]

Chapter Twelve: Seeds of Modify on the Steppe Borders. Maikop Chiefs and Tripolye Towns [edit]

The collapse of Old Europe led to a decrease in copper grave gifts in the North Pontic steppes. Betwixt 3800 and 3300, substantial contact took place between the steppe cultures and Mesopotamia via the Maikop culture (3700–3000 BCE), in the northern Caucasus.[42] To the west, Tripolye pottery begins to resemble Sredni Stog pottery, showing a procedure of assimilation between the Tripolye civilisation and the steppe cultures and a gradual breakdown of the cultural border betwixt the two.[43]

Between 3800 and 3300 BCE, five eneolithic steppe cultures can be discerned, and Proto-Indo-European dialects may have then served as a regional linguistic communication.[44]

  • Mikhaylovka culture (3600—3000 BCE), on the Black Sea coast between the Dniestr and the Dniepr.[45] Mikhailovka I people looked less like the Suvorovo-Novodanilovka people and may accept intermarried more with Tripolye civilisation people or people from the Danube valley.[46] Mikhailovka II upper level (3300–3000 BCE) imported pottery from the Repin culture (encounter below) and is regarded equally early western Yamna.[47] In the steppes northwest of the Blackness Sea 50, the Mikhailovka culture was replaced by the Usatovo culture afterward 3300 BCE.[46] The Mikhailovka culture at the Crimea developed into the Kemi Oba culture.[46]
  • Post-Mariupol civilisation (early on phase 3800–3300 BCE, late stage 3300–2800 BCE):[48] effectually the Dnieper Rapids, near the Donets River.[49] According to Ina Potekhina, the people looked most similar the Suvorovo-Novodanilovka people.[46]
  • Late/Phase II Sredny Stog civilization (Dniepr-Donets-Don), c. 4000–3500 BCE.[50]
  • Repin civilization (Don) and late Khvalynsk culture (lower Volga):[51] the Repin civilization developed by contact with the belatedly Maikop-Novosvobodyana civilisation (Lower Don),[52] which penetrated deeply into the Lower Volga steppe.[53] Anthony also believes that Repin was highly meaning to the establishment of the Afanasevo civilisation in eastern Siberia, c. 3700–3300 BCE.[54]

Chapter Thirteen: Railroad vehicle Dwellers of the Steppes. The Speakers of Proto-Indo-European [edit]

Location of early Yamna culture

The Yamna horizon (3300–2500 BCE)[55] originated in the Don-Volga surface area,[56] where it was preceded[57] by the Middle Volga'due south Khvalynsk culture (4700–3800 BCE)[18] and the Don-based Repin culture (ca.3950–3300 BCE),[58] and late pottery from these ii cultures tin can barely exist distinguished from early Yamna pottery.[59] The Afanasevo culture, at the western Altai Mountains, at the far eastern end of the steppes, was an offshoot from the Repin civilisation.[sixty]

The Yamna horizon was an adaptation to a climate alter between 3500 and 3000 BCE. The steppes became drier and cooler, herds needed to be moved often to feed them sufficiently, which was made possible past the utilize of wagons and horseback riding, leading to "a new, more mobile class of pastoralism."[61] It was accompanied past new social rules and institutions to regulate the local migrations in the steppes, creating a new social awareness of a distinct culture, and of "cultural Others", who did not participate in the new institutions.[55]

The early Yamnaya horizon spread quickly across the Pontic-Caspian steppes between ca. 3400 and 3200 BCE.[62] Co-ordinate to Anthony, "the spread of the Yamnaya horizon was the material expression of the spread of late Proto-Indo-European across the Pontic-Caspian steppes."[63] Anthony further notes that "the Yamnaya horizon is the visible archaeological expression of a social adjustment to loftier mobility – the invention of the political infrastructure to manage larger herds from mobile homes based in the steppes."[64]

The Yamna horizon is reflected in the disappearance of long-term settlements between the Don and the Ural and the brief periods of usage of kurgan cemeteries, which brainstorm to appear deep into the steppes between the major river valleys.[65]

The eastern role (Volga-Ural-North Caucasian) of the Yamna horizon was more than mobile than the western function (Due south Bug-lower Don), which was more farming-oriented.[66] The eastern function more than male-oriented, and the western office was more female-inclusive.[67] The eastern part also had a higher number of males buried in kurgans, and its deities were male-oriented.[68]

Affiliate Fourteen: The Western Indo-European Languages [edit]

According to Anthony, Pre-Italic, Pre-Celtic and Pre-Germanic may have split off in the Danube Valley and the Dniestr-Dniepr from Proto-Indo-European.[69]

The Usatovo culture developed in southeastern Fundamental Europe at around 3300–3200 BCE at the Dniestr.[70] Although closely related to the Tripolye civilization, it is contemporary with the Yamna civilization and resembles it in significant means.[71] According to Anthony, information technology may take originated with "steppe clans related to the Yamnaya horizon who were able to impose a patron-client relationship on Tripolye farming villages."[72] According to Anthony, the Pre-Germanic dialects may have developed in the culture between the Dniestr (western Ukraine) and the Vistula (Poland) in c. 3100–2800 BCE, and spread with the Corded Ware culture.[73]

Betwixt 3100 and 2800/2600 BCE, when the Yamna horizon spread fast across the Pontic Steppe, a real folk migration of Proto-Indo-European-speakers from the Yamna-civilisation took identify into the Danube Valley,[74] moving forth Usatovo territory toward specific destinations, reaching equally far every bit Hungary,[75] where as many as 3000 kurgans may have been raised.[76] Bong Chalice sites at Budapest, dated c. 2800–2600 BCE, may have aided in spreading Yamna dialects into Austria and southern Germany in the west, where Proto-Celtic may have developed.[77] Pre-Italic may have developed in Hungary, and spread toward Italy via the Urnfield culture and Villanovan culture.[77] According to Anthony, Slavic and Baltic developed in the Middle Dniepr (Ukraine)[78] in c. 2800 BCE, spreading north from at that place.[79]

The Corded Ware culture in Middle Europe probably played an essential office in the origin and spread of the Indo-European languages in Europe during the Copper and Bronze Ages.[80] According to Anthony, the Corded ware horizon may have introduced Germanic, Baltic and Slavic into Northern Europe.[77]

Chapter Xv: Chariot Warriors of the Northern Steppes [edit]

The expansion eastwards of the Corded Ware culture, north of the steppe zone, led to the Sintashta civilisation, east of the Ural Mountains, which is considered to be the birthplace of the Indo-Iranians.[81] Anthony skips over the post-Yamna cultures in the steppe zone (Tardily Yamnaya, Crypt (2800–2200 BCE), and Poltavka (2700–2100 BCE)) but gives an extensive treatment of the intermediate Middle Dniepr civilisation (3200–2300 BCE) and of the Corded Ware cultures in the forest zone (Fatyanova (3200–2300 BCE), Abashevo (2500–1900 BCE), and Balanovo (3200–2300 BCE).[82]

After ca. 2500 BCE, the Eurasian steppes became drier, peaking in ca. 2000 BCE, with the steppes southeast of the Ural mountains condign even drier than the Middle Volga steppe.[83] In ca. 2100 BCE, Poltavka and Abashevo herders moved into the upper Tobol and Ural river valleys, shut to marshes which were needed for the survival of their herds.[84] They build fortified strongholds, forming the Sintashta civilisation at the southern range of the Ural mountains.[85] Via the BMAC, they stood in contact with middle eastern cities like Ur, and the Sintashta settlements reveal an extensive copper producing industry, producing copper for the Heart Eastern market.[86] The Sintashta culture was shaped by warfare, which occurred in tandem with a growing long-distance trade.[87] Chariots were an of import weapon in the Sintashta culture and spread from there to the Centre East.[88]

Anthony notes that "the details of the funeral sacrifices at Sintashta showed startling parallels with the sacrificial funeral rituals of the Rig Veda."[81]

Affiliate 16: The Opening of the Eurasian Steppes [edit]

Steppe cultures betwixt 2200 and 1800 BCE are the Multi-cordoned ware culture (2200–1800 BCE)(Dniepr-Don-Volga), Filatovka culture, and Potapovka. In the forest zone are the Belatedly Middle Dniepr and the Late Abashevo cultures. East of the Urals are the Sintashta and the Petrovka cultures. Eastward of the Caspian Ocean is the non-Indo-European Belatedly Kelteminar culture.[89]

The Crypt, Poltavka and Potapovka cultures were succeeded by the Srubna civilization, and the Sintashta and Petrovka cultures were succeeded by the Andronovo culture.[90]

Reception [edit]

Anthony's piece of work received generally positive reviews. The New York Times, noting the longstanding contend amongst scholars over the origins of the Indo-European linguistic communication group, stated, "Anthony is not the showtime scholar to make the case that Proto-Indo-European came from [the steppes of southern Ukraine and Russian federation], simply given the immense array of evidence he presents, he may be the last one who has to."[91]

Geographer Arthur Krim discussed the work in Geographical Review.[92] According to Krim, Anthony's "debate is with the archeologist Colin Renfrew" and his Anatolian hypothesis, which proposed that early Proto-Indo-European developed by around 6500 BCE, originating in the famous Neolithic site at Çatalhöyük in Turkey.[92] According to Krim,

Anthony offers convincing logic that the rate of linguistic change, equally preserved in the get-go inscribed-tablet evidence of Indo-European branches as Hittite and the Vedic texts in India, rests on the invention of the wagon wheel and domesticated wool sheep between 4000 and 3500 B.C.E. These linguistic roots, not the older Anatolian-Near Eastern origins that Renfrew proposed, mark PIE afterwards 4000 B.C.Due east.... David Anthony has produced convincingly detailed show that plants the origins of Indo-European culture firmly on the Russian-Ukrainian steppes by 3500 B.C.East. and demonstrates the spread of its horseback-riding innovations due west upwardly the Danube River in Central Europe and eastward over the Iranian plateau into the Indus Valley.

The Rocky Mountain Modern Language Clan's Rocky Mountain Review chosen the piece of work "an archaeological feat" that "bridges the stubborn gap betwixt linguists and archaeologists." The review noted with approval Anthony's drawing upon Soviet and Eastern European studies that had previously been unknown to western researchers.[93]

The nigh critical review was Philip Kohl'due south "Perils of Carts before Horses: Linguistic Models and the Underdetermined Archaeological Record" in American Anthropologist.[94] Kohl argues that Anthony'due south linguistic model is overly uncomplicated on the development of the Indo-European languages as products of deviation originating from one single source, though he admits that Anthony pays some attending to loanwords and the influence of neighboring cultures. Kohl is critical that Anthony'due south linguistic model guides "the archaeological interpretation rather than the reverse." According to Kohl, "such a procedure most necessarily ways that the archaeological record is consistently manipulated to fit the linguistic model that it is meant to confirm; the reasoning is circular."[94] Kohl further notes that Anthony'south reconstruction is bold and imaginative simply is also "necessarily selective" and sometimes misleading when it relies on a rather limited number of items. According to Kohl,

the fundamental trouble with this volume is its assumption that Indo-Europeans exclusively or nearly exclusively practiced certain cultural features, including technologies and even religious rituals. Was such exclusivity characteristic of the late prehistoric earth or, rather, were peoples who spoke different languages continuously interacting with each other, adopting and transforming other peoples' practices and behavior?

Kohl cautions nearly Anthony's proposal that horseback riding adult very early in the Chalcolithic in the Proto-Indo-European homeland. Co-ordinate to Kohl, horseback riding was almost invisible in the Ancient Virtually Eastern pictorial record until practically the terminate of the tertiary millennium BCE.[94] Finally, Kohl notes that past fantasies about superior Aryans are dismissed by Anthony but that his descriptions of the influence of the Indo-European cultures on the Eurasian earth may yet feed into "fantasies about peculiarly gifted and creative Indo-Europeans–Aryans."

Nonetheless, Kohl also chosen the book a "magisterial synthesis of steppe archeology" and stated that

the book's enduring value will be its rich and vivid synthesis of an extremely complex corpus of archaeological data from Neolithic times through the Bronze Age, stretching from the Balkans to Central Asia. Anthony writes extremely well and masterfully describes material culture remains, teasing out incredible amounts of information on the nature and scale of subsistence activities, social construction, and even ritual practices.

Kohl's critique was challenged by others, who noted that Anthony's extensive review of archaeological prove suggested that he was using the linguistic model not to "'confirm' the 'archaeological record'" simply "to collaborate with and help to explain [the archaeological tape]."[95]

Awards [edit]

  • The Order for American Archaeology's 2010 Book Award.[web ane]

Notes [edit]

  1. ^ a b David Anthony: "Germanic shows a mixture of archaic and derived traits that make its place uncertain; it could have branched off at about the same time as the root of Italic and Celtic [only] information technology also shared many traits with Pre-Baltic and Pre-Slavic."[5]
  2. ^ At that place are several datings available:
    • Gimbutas dated it to 5000 BCE.
    • According to V.A.Dergachev (2007), О скипетрах, о лошадях, о войне: Этюды в защиту миграционной концепции М. Гимбутас, ISBN 5-98187-173-3, dates Samara culture at cal. C-14 5200–4500 BCE, with possible continuatation into get-go half of the 5th millennium, and the Khvalynsk civilisation is dated at ca. 4600–3900 BCE. The data are based on synchronisation, not carbon dating or dendrochronology of Samara culture sites itself.
    • Mallory and Adams, Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture, gives the bare date "fifth millennium BC" and the Khvalynsk culture, its reported successor, is dated at 4900–3500 BC.
  3. ^ As well called Skelya culture, Suvorovo culture, Utkonsonovka group, and Novodanilovka culture.[twoscore]

References [edit]

  1. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 5.
  2. ^ Anthony 2007, p. half-dozen-15.
  3. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 15-19.
  4. ^ a b Anthony 2007, p. 56-58.
  5. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 57.
  6. ^ Ringe 2006, p. 67.
  7. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 59.
  8. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 100.
  9. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 132.
  10. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 135.
  11. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 138.
  12. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 132, 145.
  13. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 145, 147.
  14. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 155-157.
  15. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 164.
  16. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 173.
  17. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 175.
  18. ^ a b c Anthony 2007, p. 182.
  19. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 185, 190.
  20. ^ a b Anthony 2007, p. 186.
  21. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 134-135.
  22. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 189.
  23. ^ a b Anthony 2007, p. 191.
  24. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 161-162.
  25. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 161, 191.
  26. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 193–201.
  27. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 201–213.
  28. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 214.
  29. ^ a b Anthony 2007, p. 221.
  30. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 222.
  31. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 244.
  32. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 244-245.
  33. ^ a b Anthony 2007, p. 240.
  34. ^ a b Anthony 2007, p. 227.
  35. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 230.
  36. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 232.
  37. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 133.
  38. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 229.
  39. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 262.
  40. ^ nthony 2007, p. 251. sfn mistake: no target: CITEREFnthony2007 (help)
  41. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 249-251.
  42. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 263.
  43. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 264.
  44. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 299.
  45. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 268-271.
  46. ^ a b c d Anthony 2007, p. 271.
  47. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 320.
  48. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 272.
  49. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 271-273.
  50. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 273-274.
  51. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 274-277.
  52. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 319.
  53. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 297.
  54. ^ Anthony 2010, p. 307-310.
  55. ^ a b Anthony 2007, p. 300.
  56. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 300, 317–320.
  57. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 317-320.
  58. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 275.
  59. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 274-277, 317–320.
  60. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 307-311.
  61. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 300, 336.
  62. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 321.
  63. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 301-302.
  64. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 303.
  65. ^ Anthony, 2007 & p-303-304. sfn error: no target: CITEREFAnthony2007p-303-304 (assist)
  66. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 304.
  67. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 305.
  68. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 329.
  69. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 344.
  70. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 349.
  71. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 359.
  72. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 359-360.
  73. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 360, 368.
  74. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 345, 361–367.
  75. ^ Anthony 2007, p. ,361–362, 367.
  76. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 362.
  77. ^ a b c Anthony 2007, p. 367.
  78. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 368, 380.
  79. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 101.
  80. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 360.
  81. ^ a b Anthony 2007, p. 375.
  82. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 375-389.
  83. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 389.
  84. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 389-390.
  85. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 390.
  86. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 391.
  87. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 393.
  88. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 397-405.
  89. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 413.
  90. ^ Anthony 2007, p. 436.
  91. ^ Kenneally, Christine (ii March 2008). "The Equus caballus, the Bike, and Language – David W. Anthony – Book Review". The New York Times . Retrieved sixteen January 2017.
  92. ^ a b Krim 2008.
  93. ^ Lock, Suneeti Chhettri (Autumn 2010). "Review of The Equus caballus, the Bicycle, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern Globe". Rocky Mount Review. 64 (2): 218–220. JSTOR 29765447.
  94. ^ a b c Kohl 2009.
  95. ^ Ostrowski, Don (Jump 2012). Maus, Tanya Southward. (ed.). "Review of The Horse, the Bicycle and Linguistic communication: How Bronze-Historic period Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World by David W. Anthony | Academic World History Manufactures and Essays | Middle Footing Journal". Center Ground Journal. College of St. Scholastica. Retrieved 16 January 2017.

Sources [edit]

Printed sources [edit]

  • Anthony, David W. (2007), The Horse, the Cycle, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World, Princeton University Printing, ISBN978-0-691-14818-2
  • Anthony, David W. (2010), The Equus caballus, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modernistic World, Princeton University Press, ISBN1400831105
  • Kohl, Philip L. (March 2009). "Perils of Carts before Horses: Linguistic Models and the Underdetermined Archaeological Tape". American Anthropologist. 111 (ane): 109–111. doi:10.1111/j.1548-1433.2009.01086.x.
  • Krim, Arthur (1 January 2008). "Review of The Equus caballus, the Bicycle and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern Earth". Geographical Review. 98 (4): 571–573. JSTOR 40377356.
  • Ringe, Donald A. (2006). From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Linguistic history of English, five. 1. Oxford: Oxford Academy Press. ISBN0-19-955229-0.

Web-sources [edit]

  1. ^ a b "The Horse, The Wheel and Language".

External links [edit]

  • Consummate text at annal.org
  • Sample chapter
  • New York Times review
  • Dreamflesh Review
  • Entry at Google Books
  • Entry at AbeBooks
  • 'Horseback Riding and Bronze Historic period Pastoralism in the Eurasian Steppes', David West. Anthony, University of Pennsylvania Museum, YouTube (video)

sissonhaves1955.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Horse,_the_Wheel,_and_Language

0 Response to "Migration in Archeology: the Baby and the Bathwater David W. Anthony"

Enregistrer un commentaire

Inscription à : Publier les commentaires (Atom)

Iklan Atas Artikel

Iklan Tengah Artikel 1

Iklan Tengah Artikel 2

Iklan Bawah Artikel